January 25, 2010
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So there’s been a bit of interest in the Tories’ latest marriage tax plan (version 6? I’m losing count).
The idea is for a Transferable allowance for all married couples with kids aged 0-3.
On closer inspection however it turns out that the policy would cost £0.8bn in 2009-10 prices – and wait for it – would benefit just 6 per cent of married couples, 2 per cent of all family units (single people or couples and their dependents) and 3 per cent of adults.
So everyone would pay for a tax break that wouldn’t even help the majority of parents with the hardest job they do; bring up kids well.
It’s now clear Mr Osborne couldn’t organise a party in a brewery never mind a budget in the Treasury.
(Estimates have been derived from HM Treasury’s tax and benefit model using Family Resources Survey 2007-08 data uprated to 2009-10 levels of prices and earnings)
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January 16, 2010
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Another extraordinary intervention from George Osborne this morning. He claimed in a newspaper interview that while he wanted precision to the last pound and penny about the Government’s spending plans for 4 years time, he himself was unable to say which cuts he’ll make in 4 months time.
Perhaps he thinks there’s too much uncertainty?
Never again can he accuse Labour of electioneering when his new position is so cynical.
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Here’s the text of my article in today’s Independent.
George Osborne admits that he devotes more time to politics than to economics, and on Wednesday we saw the proof.
In a serious debate on the pre-Budget report, he fired cheap shots when what was needed was a big judgement call. Alistair Darling set out the most detailed plan of any G7 country for halving the deficit over four years. He acted to secure the economic recovery and go for growth – because faster growth will cut the costs of unemployment. He set out plans which will rebuild the public finances fairly – because we need to get the timing right, not choke off the recovery by cutting too soon.
And, true to our Labour values, he promised to protect our schools, health, police and Sure Start – while making services smarter, more efficient and more responsive. His message was clear: we will tighten our belts, as families are doing. It will not be painless, but it will not be reckless.
In reply, all Osborne could offer was political knockabout – long on jibes but desperately short on serious policy. The contrast, not just in demeanour, but in sheer weight of policy, was striking.
Now that we have set out our plans, the time has come for Osborne to do the same. The broad contours of the Tory approach are becoming clearer. We know that by cutting support for the economy now, he risks a decade of austerity and low growth. We know that he favours unfunded tax cuts to the wealthiest. We know that by opposing our guarantees on public services, such as being certain of seeing a specialist within two weeks of your GP suspecting cancer, he’s content to reduce public services to a gamble.
But there are more questions he has to answer. The key question in British political economy is this: Osborne says that he would close the deficit faster, but halving the deficit just a year faster than us would mean cutting £26bn from public services or increasing VAT to 23 per cent. Which will he choose?
On spending, Osborne has also failed in the first task of a shadow Chancellor – controlling his Shadow Cabinet colleagues, who have indulged themselves in the Tory habit of trying to be all things to all people, making spending pledges as they did so. The cost of the resulting list? Tens of billions of pounds.
Meanwhile, his plans to save money unravel by the day. His party claims that its plans to curb spending – including scrapping ID cards and the NHS IT scheme, bringing forward retirement age and capping public-sector pensions – would save up to £45bn. In fact, our analysis suggests they’d save less than 5 per cent of that. What else will he cut – or which taxes will he increase – to make up that gap?
At their party conference, the Tories claimed they could make £7bn in savings, including £3bn a year by the end of the Parliament, by cutting Whitehall and quango costs by a third. But our “Smarter Government” document, published just before the pre-Budget report, saves around that amount from central government alone – and in fact much more in the wider public sector. How can he go further than that?
Treasury figures, disclosed to Parliament, show that his claim to save £400m from cutting Child Tax Credits for households on more than £50,000 a year misses the mark by a country mile, saving just £45m a year. They reveal that to save £400m means cutting benefits from people earning just £16,000. Will he cut those benefits or will he admit he got it wrong?
We live in serious times, and people want serious answers from their politicians. This week, Alistair Darling delivered them. As a pretender to the same historic office, the time has come for George Osborne to set aside the lightly proffered laurel of the Parliamentary sketchwriter. He must answer the tough questions he has so far ducked. It’s time for him to step up.
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October 4, 2009
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The Tories are playing catch-up – the Government have already taken tough action to get people off benefits into work.
But these plans are a pretty outrageous smokescreen – trying to cover up the fact that there would be hundreds of thousands more people out of work under Tory plans.
According to the independent expert Professor David Blanchflower, up to 5 million people could be out of work, if the Tories had got their way and blocked the fiscal stimulus and made deep immediate cuts to public spending. The next election will be about big choices and one massive difference between us and the Tories is that they would let the recession take its course, while we have taken action to keep people in their jobs.
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July 26, 2009
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I’m afraid Mr Cameron’s interview on Marr this morning was the worst possible cocktail of poisonous ideology and poor accounting.
It is now clear the Conservative’s agenda for public finances now begins and ends with ideology and not Britain’s national interest. Today, Mr Cameron says his motives for cuts are purely and simply the pursuit of a ‘big opportunity’ to shrink the state.
He says nothing about how we grow our economy for the future or strengthen schools and hospitals. Instead all we heard is cold confirmation of public service cuts to pay for a £200,000 average tax cut for 3,000 millionaires.
And his tired old line about identity card savings was the only so-called efficiency he could think of. He seems to have forgotten that he’s committed to keep nearly 80% of the system for new passports, and fingerprint visas, and he’s promised the balance to at least half a dozen other pet projects.
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July 11, 2009
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News reaches me that David Cameron and George Osborne are confirming their inheritance tax plans – in other words, confirming they remain absolutely wedded to their pledge to give £200,000 cash to the wealthiest 3,000 estates, paid for by deep cuts to the schools, neighbourhood p0lice teams and NHS for the rest of us.
However, they try to spin this, the Tories have blown their golden opportunity to scrap their inheritance tax pledge and admit they were wrong to put the wealthiest few ahead of the help that families on middle and modest incomes need.
We actually know David Cameron wants civil servants to get to work immediately on a gameplan to implement his strategy of help for the few, not the many.
The Tories remain committed to a queue of unaffordable and uncosted tax cuts, including an ambition to cut the new top rate of tax – changes which could only come at the cost of deep, wide and immediate cuts to public services for the over-whelming majority of hard-working British families. Who said they’d changed..?
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February 22, 2009
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Have a look at the article page on my blog for a riposte to Iain Martin’s Telegraph column of last week. Iain blows the cover on an underground movement gaining speed on the Tory right. It’s the movement to go far beyond Cameron cuts to public services. It’s the movement to cut public services by £100 billion. Its current champion is Malcolm Offord, author this week of a report called Bankrupt Britain. Offord should know a lot about this topic – after all, he is a banker. And his £100 billion proposed cuts no doubt increase his standing as an adviser to the ironically named Centre for Social Justice.
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